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FOCUS Researcher Wins Prix Du Jeune Auteur
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Our very own Aya Fabros received the PRIX DU JEUNE AUTEUR for her study on call center work. The Prix du Jeune Auteur is an annual award given by the French sociological journal, Sociologie du Travail, one of the leading academic journals on sociology of work, established by noted sociologists such as Alain Touraine and Jean-Daniel Reynaud. An article based on Aya’s thesis will be published in the journal’s next issue, while the full study will be tackled in her forthcoming book, Outsourced Selves.
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Feedback on FOP Mindanao Issue (August 2008) PDF Print E-mail
Mon Casiple
Executive Director
Institute of Political and Electoral Reform (IPER).

You can see my blog moncasiple.wordpress.com. On some points in the three articles, let me briefly state my position.

1. Re US role. I think that the US govt. is playing a low-key but definite role in the MOA-AD negotiations and that it is in favor of it. Having said this, I think it is also rethinking its position after the whole ruckus. I think this will be more definite after the US elections.

2. Regarding ARMM automation, it has been proven to be acceptable to voters, despite many technical glitches. It has never been proposed to be the solution to election cheating--in fact, cheating in ARMM went on as usual. However, it was evident that automation forced the cheaters to go back to the "retail cheating" mode--dagdag-bawas proved to be difficult to do since counting and canvassing is already done through the machines. So far, the machines proved resistant to cheating strategies, although, since there are higher stakes in the 2010 elections, hacking (or cheating) is still a possibility.

In ARMM, automation lead to less acrimony (and clan conflict) at the precinct and counting/canvassing stages, and the results are less prone to protests.

3. The MOA-AD and the negotiation process needs to be revisited. The major defects of the former are the imbalance in treating the various interests of major stakeholders (in favor of Moro/MILF, in disfavor of Moro/MNLF and other non-MILF groups, in disfavor of non-Moro Lumads, in disfavor of Christian Mindanaoans, in disfavor of the national state), the creation of a quasi-Moro state attainable only under a controversial federalism scheme, the weak basis in current political and economic reality, and the suspected unsavory riders and side-agreements attached to the MOA-AD (such as partnership with Arroyo family and cronies on resources exploitation, ranging from gold in Compostela Valley up to oil in Spratlys). The major defects of the latter are the unjustified secrecy of this particular negotiations, failure to solicit prior agreement of major stakeholders on the key points of the MOA-AD, the concept of an implementable agreement (it's not true that it still needs the comprehensive compact or the passage of constitutional amendments or relevant laws to make it operative--the provision on non-derogation of prior agreements (including MOA-AD) maintains its active character even if there is a failure of constitutional amendments, meaning it is already a basis for seeking international recogntion), and the excessive role (tantamount to meddling) of foreign governments with vested interests. It also is not in consonance with the actual low level of political strength of the MILF ( it is difficult to defeat, but it also cannot win)--the two parties went into the negotiations, on the basis of a mutual search for a formula for a just and lasting peace. The MOA-AD does not fulfill these requirements.

4. Third-party peace advocates should step back and be open to renegotiation. They cannot be above the two parties and dictate their own positions on the two parties. Taking a position for the MOA-AD, under the present situation of widespread opposition and withdrawal of one party from the agreement, basically leads to losing the third-party role and becoming a partisan for MILF (the only one insisting on the MOA-AD.
 
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