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The challenge of Free Trade Agreements in Asia : A roundtable discussion summary report, New Delhi, 3 March 2011

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Despite the ongoing multiple crises of employment, food, finance, energy and climate, most Governments have not eschewed trade liberalisation. Due to an interplay between geo-politics and the rise of emerging economic powers and their multinational corporations, Asian countries have set aside the WTO Doha Round failure and have preferred to engage in a complicated web of ambitious bilateral and regional Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). The rapid spread of FTAs in Asia has made it the global hub for trade liberalisation. As of February 2011, the region has some 63 concluded FTAs with several more under various stages of negotiation.

Asian civil society groups have also been in the vanguard; doing research, campaign and advocacy in critiquing the lack of transparency and anti-development nature of these trade and investments treaties.

This roundtable organised by Focus on the Global South brought together academicians, researchers and activists ( including two parliamentarians from South East Asia) to discuss the state of play, share updates on national level campaigns and discuss issues of mutual collaboration. Issues addressed include employment, finance, agriculture and access to affordable medicines and health care.

 

G20 mutes its demand at the cost of its farmers

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Afsar Jafri*
30th November 2009

The Group of 20 (G20), an alliance of 23 WTO member countries on agriculture led by mainly India and Brazil, representing 51% of the world population and 63% of the world’s farmers, reflected their great helplessness and inertia to take on US protectionist practices and sought an easy route to deal with it by calling for an “urgent” conclusion of Doha Round even though their fundamental demands are not addressed in the current negotiating text. The G20 held its two day Ministerial meeting ahead of the Seventh WTO Ministerial Conference which took place in Geneva from 30th November to 2nd December 2009. The communique issued by the G20 on 29 November, says that “concluding the Doha Development Round would result in a triple win: (i) strengthening of the confidence in the multilateral trading system; (ii) guarding against the rise of protectionism; and (iii) contributing to boost the global economy while reducing its asymmetries.” It further says that “the Ministers of the G20 called for urgent action on the Doha Round...there is urgent need to translate political statements into concrete engagement in Geneva in order to accomplish the shared objective of concluding the Round in 2010...the only way to achieve this objective is to seek convergence on the basis of the draft modalities texts of December 2008.”
 
This is a big shift in the G20 position since its formation in 2003, just before the 5th WTO Ministerial in Cancun. This is the first G20 communique in last six years which is quite hushed in its basic demand for “effective” reduction of subsidies in developed countries, mainly the US and European Union (EU). Ironically, the G20 communique does not make any of its fundamental demands regarding Special & Differential Treatment, especially Special Products (SP) and Special Safeguard Mechanisms (SSM), which the G20 has been associated with. SPs and SSMs are ostensibly intended to protect the interests of the vast masses of poor peasantry in developing countries, but it seems that the G20 is willing to accept the watered down, inadequate and ineffective SP and SSM provisions outlined in the Chair’s text in December 2008.
 

Ailing but Alive: The WTO in 2009

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Shalmali Guttal, Focus on the Global South. December 11, 2009.

The 7th Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) ended as it started: on a subdued and uncertain note.  Statements about the importance of a speedy conclusion to the Doha Development Round (DDR) by some trade ministers and in the Chairman's Summary during the closing plenary, lacked conviction. What came through instead was nervousness among government delegates and WTO Secretariat staff about the credibility and relevance of the WTO and its programme of corporate driven globalisation in the face of deepening crises in the real economy, agriculture and climate.  Every pat on the back that delegates and staff gave the WTO was tempered by statements about the need for WTO members to respect multilateralism, past commitments, the development mandate of the DDR, transparency, inclusiveness, and the special needs of Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Small and Vulnerable Economies (SVEs).
 
Credibility, relevance and vision are certainly what the WTO lacks at this juncture.  Since its establishment  in 1995, numerous farmers organisations, workers' unions, government officials, academics and civil society analysts have repeatedly warned against the dangers of WTO style liberalisation on local and national economies and the environment. These warnings proved to   frighteningly accurate: as global trade through the WTO expanded, unemployment, food insecurity, environmental destruction, impoverishment and social dislocation increased alarmingly in developing countries.
 

Governments: Listen to Your People! Abandon Doha

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December 4, 2009

The 7th Ministerial Meeting of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) was held in Geneva in the midst of multiple crises, when people all over the world are demanding that governments take decisive action to protect their livelihoods from the dangers of corporate led globalisation. The failure of deregulation and liberalisation that the WTO locks in through its trade regime are all too evident to the ordinary people in the world. That this Ministerial was a non-negotiating meeting, is a reflection of the massive resistance to the WTO trade regime from workers, farmers, fishers and social movements from across the world. Trade ministers did not come to Geneva empowered with a popular mandate to move forward the negotiations. But in an inexplicable but expected disconnect to the realities back home, many of them have called for a speedy conclusion to the Doha Round in 2010.
 

Cooling the planet without chilling trade

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By C. Fred Bergsten and Lori Wallach
Friday, November 13, 2009

There is a real danger that a collision between climate policy and
trade agreements could derail two critical goals: controlling climate
change and expanding trade.

But this danger is avoidable.

We are an unusual pair of advocates for this message. For a long time,
we and our organizations have been on opposite ends of the debate over
trade agreements, disagreeing about their effects on economies,
livelihoods and domestic regulations.

But we agree on a surprising number of aspects of the climate-change
debate and on the related need to overhaul global trade negotiations,
which are stalled by disagreements and the worldwide financial crisis.

We agree that it is politically unrealistic -- and unwise -- to try to
enact a cap-and-trade system that puts manufacturers in the United
States at a competitive disadvantage with those operating overseas
that do not produce under comparable requirements. It makes no sense
to impose a cost on those producing steel, autos and other goods, only
to have them shift jobs and pollution to China or India -- which are
wary of binding international obligations on emission reductions.

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